Ideas We Believe

The unfolding of the Indian election might have come as a surprise to many, for one is the BJP who steamrolled the campaign seasons with slogans of "400 par". While it remains 240 seats popular in a house of 520 members, a few stories should not go unnoticed. First, the BJP's popularity and the win for a third term is no ordinary feat. Only a few leaders of the past have managed such an elusive feat. This, indeed, is the trust that the brand Modi has built over the years. In politics, we often get acclimatized to the situations, in certain aspects too critical of it. When the young generation looked at Indira Gandhi's cabinet, they vowed never to again let such a solid mandate to a single party that its chief could declare an emergency, and no structures would be able to prevent that. This, however, ended up in fragmented colours in the Lok Sabha, the era of coalitions and surprise prime ministers. Needless to say, the horse-trading of MPs and the mindless corruption

The Bengal elections have ratified that despite massive inputs and involvements, raising a regional party against an incumbent govt. It is not one of the most straightforward tasks. This highlights the dynamics of regional and national politics in India, especially regarding geographic specifications and whether the BJP expansionist strategy needs a sanity check. The earliest signs of this defiance were spotted when the state of Odishavoted simultaneously fore MLA and MP candidates. It was the first time people were choosing candidates from two different ( and conflicting ) parties, clearly portraying a choice concerning the role, not allegiance.  To start with, BJP had its prominence in the Hindi heartland of UP, MP and Rajasthan before it became a national alternative. The first few stints, which came from the NDA, saw active partners like Shiv Sena, JDU, BJD, AIDMK and, ironically, TMC. In this stage, the opportunity for a right-aligning Hindu-biased vote bank developed, which the p

Arvind Kejriwal does not perhaps have a charming prince image outside this Delhi crownship. He does not need to have one. Since he does an excellent job in defending his throne. A similar line would be scripted for Modi's win in 2019. The elections after the first term are essential in determining the due course of politics.As people are faced with the difficult choice of reordering the same dish. A timeless test for the caterer. The dismal performance of BJP, in Delhi's election, demands an introspective analysis. I believe a strong point here is the local leadership problem. On the one hand, a diminutive regional power has helped the Modi-Shah duo, to orchestrate one of India's most populist government. A fight against the age-old INC, so convincingly won that Congress stands on the verge of extinction. Although some credits are due to INC's own incompetent leadership, Anna'soutcry for corruption and 60-year-old perception. On the other hand, winning state ele

The Notre Dame de Paris, vibrant and unique as it is, also boasts of millions, given in donation for the supposed rebuilding of the ancient architecture. Most of this amount can be traced back to the wealthy, the sophisticated, the luxury-seeking, just a handful of families around the world. To me, the question is not if this money could have been used in the welfare of the needy, because I stand by their right and discretion to spend their own wealth. But the critical question is, even to the creamiest strata of the society, religion does have a significant impact. Now, heading back to India. Although the ruling party made no apparent movement to suggest their affiliation to any religious body, the intellectuals (and somehow many of them liberals) did cry out loud that the politicians were using religion as their weapon of mass mobilisation. What they supposedly thought, was that such aggressive revelation would make people morally conscious of their choice and chose the otherwise